Death Knell on the Eastern Front
Overview
World War I on the Eastern Front: 1914-1916
World War I is today best remembered most for the campaigns and battles waged in France and Belgium on the Western Front. However, the Eastern Front proved as essential to winning the war as the Western Front. The Eastern Front was a more fluid line of combat in present-day Poland, Ukraine, Lithuania, Austria-Hungary, and Russia. It pitted some of the most powerful nations against one another. Fighting on the side of the Central Powers were Austria-Hungary and Germany. For the Allies, the Russian Empire led the charge. Unfortunately for Russia, the charge would prove futile, and the largest land-based empire in the world would be brought to its knees.
Learning Objectives
- Examine how battles and events on the Eastern Front contributed to the collapse of the Russian Empire.
- Evaluate why the German and Austro-Hungarian Armies proved more successful than the Russian Army on the Eastern Front.
- Examine the legacies of Russia’s losses and defeat in World War I.
Key Terms / Key Concepts
Eastern Front: mobile combat zone that occupied much of present-day Poland, Ukraine, Belarus, and the Baltic countries between 1914 and 1918
Battle of Tannenberg: major German victory on the Eastern Front in August 1914
Paul von Hindenburg and Erich Ludendorff: officers of the German High Command during World War I on the Eastern Front
The Brusilov Offensive: the last significant Russian victory on the Eastern Front, occurring in 1916
Tsar Nicholas II: last tsar of Russia who took personal charge of the Russian army in 1916 to disastrous effect
Background: A War Between Cousins
Nicky and Willy
It is difficult to imagine that World War I was a war fought between heads of state who were also cousins. Two of the most powerful heads of state during World War I were Kaiser Wilhelm II of Germany and Tsar Nicholas II of Russia; they were close cousins who had attended family events together, sailed, hiked, and even dressed in one another’s dress uniforms for photographs. However, when news of Franz Ferdinand’s assassination erupted, Germany and Russia found themselves pressured to join a larger war among European nations and the two cousins became enemies.
In late July 1914, the Tsar and the Kaiser sent one another a series of telegrams in which they addressed each other as “Nicky” and “Willy” and attempted to avert a war between their nations. Each appealed to the other to halt the mobilization of their respective armies. Within days, though, their respective governments had overpowered the voices of their monarchs. Ever easily manipulated, Nicholas succumbed to the pressure to mobilize Russia’s army on behalf of their small ally, Serbia. And on August 1, 1914, Germany declared war on Russia.
Early Days of the War in the East
Background
When Germany declared war on Russia, two main concerns erupted for them. Firstly, Germany recognized it would have to serve on a two-front, European war (a fact to be repeated in World War II). It would engage in combat against the French and British along the Western Front and Russia along the Eastern Front.
Secondly, most of Europe regarded Russia as a country with innumerable resources, particularly in manpower. For this reason, Germany employed the Schlieffen Plan in Western Europe with the goal of knocking France out of the war before England could fully deploy its strength. Then Germany could turn its full strength toward defeating Russia.
For its part, Russia sought to regain territory that had once belonged to it. In particular, they sought to reclaim parts of Eastern Prussia in Northern Germany. Fatally, the Russians incorrectly believed that German forces proved less of a threat to them than those of Austria-Hungary. Therefore, they deployed enormously insufficient troops to assault the German forces near Northern Prussia. Most of their troops were, instead, sent further south to fight against the Austro-Hungarian army in Galicia—a territory in the present-day areas of eastern Poland and western Ukraine.
Unlike the Western Front, which was iconic for its use of trench warfare, the Eastern Front was largely a war of mobility. This involved troops attacking one other’s borders and territory by launching large supply chains and armies. Logistics and Russia’s dramatic lack of resources account for the different style of warfare. While strong in its human resources, Russia remained a century behind the rest of Europe in terms of its technological and military developments.
Because of the Schlieffen Plan, Germany was initially under-defended on their eastern borders. As a result, Russia experienced early, small success with their attacks. But by the third week of August, things would shift to favor Germany.
The Battle of Tannenberg
In late August 1914, the German High Command sent two officers, Paul von Hindenberg and Erich Ludendorff, to take command of their forces in East Prussia. They quickly earned a reputation as the “brains” of the German Army that extended through the rest of the war. Making use of the superior German artillery and the element of surprise, the German army encircled the Russians at the Battle of Tannenberg (present-day northeast Poland). Caught entirely by surprise, the battle resulted in the destruction of multiple Russian units with nearly 200,000 Russian casualties in less than a week. In comparison, the Germans lost only 12,000 men. The disparity in the battle casualties between Russia and Germany remained enormous for the next three years.
Adding insult to the enormous injury that the Russian army sustained at Tannenberg, the Austro-Hungarian army had achieved a strong victory against the Russians further south at the Battle of Lemberg (Lviv) in present-day Ukraine. By the end of August, the Central Powers had kicked Russia out of East Prussia and pushed the Eastern Front toward Russian territory. The fall of 1914 marked an ominous beginning for the Russian war effort and set in motion events that would bring down the mighty Russian empire.
The Great Russian Retreat: 1915
In the spring of 1915, the better organized and equipped German Army came to the aid of the struggling Austro-Hungarian Army. Their arrival marked the beginning of the end for the Russian Army, despite the fact it would take more than three years before the Treaty of Brest Litovsk was signed, officially ending Russia’s involvement in the war.
From May to September 1915, the German and Austro-Hungarian Armies repeatedly attacked and advanced against the Russian Army. Suffering from disorganization and severe lack of supplies the Russians suffered enormous casualties, with Russian prisoners of war numbering in the hundreds of thousands. In August, the Germans captured the city of Warsaw—a city that had been under Russian control for a hundred years. By September, the Russian Army was pushed entirely out of Galicia (present-day Poland and Ukraine) and forced to retreat toward Russia. In their retreat, Russia lost access to grain-growing regions; villagers in the region succumbed to starvation and disease as the German Army occupied the lands.
Worse news was yet to come for Russia. In September 1915, Tsar Nicholas II dismissed his senior military chiefs to lead and oversee the Russian Army himself from his headquarters at Stavka. This was a choice undertaken by Nicholas to inspire Russian troops to continue fighting. Moreover, it suited Nicholas’ personal fascination with the military. However, the tsar entirely lacked knowledge in military matters, and his decision to lead the army proved disastrous.
Russia Fights Back: The Brusilov Offensive
In June 1916, Russia found its most successful general of World War I: Alexei Brusilov. A seasoned war commander, he led the attack against the Austro-Hungarian Army. In June 1916, the Russians launched the Brusilov Offensive--a short artillery bombardment on the enemy positions. Brusilov’s units then launched a coordinated offensive attack up and down the Eastern Front. The Russians achieved initial victories from Lutsk to Czernowitz (present-day Ukraine).
Despite their initial successes, the Russians sustained enormous casualties by the end of July 1916, when German forces were sent to bolster the Austro-Hungarian Army. By the end of the campaign, the Russian Army had lost nearly half a million men. Moreover, vast shortages of army supplies continued to plague the Russian Army. Many soldiers were under-equipped. Accounts reported that many Russian soldiers had to wait for a comrade to die before they could find a rifle. In comparison to the Central Powers, particularly the German Army, Russia remained critically under-prepared to fight in a modern war.
World War I on the Eastern Front: Russia in Tumult
Learning Objectives
- Examine how battles and events on the Eastern Front contributed to the collapse of the Russian Empire.
- Evaluate why the German and Austro-Hungarian Armies proved more successful than the Russian Army on the Eastern Front.
- Examine the legacies of Russia’s losses and defeat in World War I.
Key Terms / Key Concepts
Tsarina Alexandra: German-born wife of Tsar Nicholas II who was enormously unpopular in Russia
Grigory Efimovich, “Rasputin”: a Russian “monk” and “holy man” from Siberia whose seemingly “mystical, healing powers” won over the support of the Russian royal family
February Revolution: first of two revolutions waged in Russia in 1917
Provisional Government: the poorly constructed, democratic governing body in Russia created after the abdication of the tsar, headed by Alexander Kerensky
Alexander Kerensky: democratic leader of the Russian provisional government
Treaty of Brest-Litovsk: peace treaty signed in early 1918 between Russia and the Central Powers that marked the end of Russian involvement in World War I
Background
Nicholas and Alexandra. Their story is far more compelling than any Hollywood film. A true love match formed against the desires of Nicholas’ parents, the tsar and tsarina remained unshakingly devoted to one another for their entire married lives. Their wealth far exceeded comprehension. But it is best exemplified by the gift Nicholas bestowed upon his niece at her wedding—a bag of diamonds ranging from one to seven carats in size. At its height, Nicholas’ empire included one-sixth of the world. And his union with Alexandra yielded five hauntingly beautiful children—four daughters and a son.
But it was their family life, and Nicholas’ determination to rule as an eighteenth-century autocrat in a twentieth century world, that would bring about the collapse of the Russian Empire and ultimately lead to their brutal execution.
At age twenty-six, Nicholas was crowned tsar. Even in his naivety, the tsar knew he had inherited the role too young. His large and powerful father, Tsar Alexander III, had died prematurely, and left his heir with only one guiding principle: rule with an iron-fist. For short-statured, easily-manipulated “Nicky,” this order proved impossible to carry-out well. And he lacked the sense or foresight to adjust his administration to meet the modern needs of the Russian people. Moreover, his wife was immediately disliked for being born a shy and exceedingly private “German” princess. One that was observed to have “come into Russia behind a coffin,” for Tsarina Alexandra had wed Nicholas just before his father’s death.
In private, Nicholas and Alexandra carried a terrible secret. Their only son, Alexei, suffered from hemophilia—a genetic disease that affects the blood’s ability to clot. And while the royal couple had four beautiful daughters—Olga, Tatiana, Maria, and Anastasia, they could not, by Russian law, inherit the throne. Therefore, Alexei’s precarious health remained at the center of the family’s activity and actions. Any bump or bruise could result in immense, internal swelling and excruciating pain for the young heir. Indeed, Alexei suffered many such incidents that resulted in his temporarily being crippled, and two that nearly claimed his life. And yet, Nicholas and Alexandra never publicly revealed the tsarevich’s (crown prince’s) illness. As any parent might, they turned to unconventional methods of controlling Alexei’s disease when modern doctors and medicine failed. For Alexandra in particular, the solution arrived in the form of a “holy man” from Siberia who could seemingly slow her son’s bleeding through a type of hypnosis. It is, perhaps, no surprise that the Russian people wondered at the royal family’s endorsement of this man Grigory Efimovich, or “Rasputin,” who, to everyone but Nicholas and Alexandra, was a lewd, womanizing, and physically dirty “mad monk from Siberia.”
Tsarina in Charge
During WWI, with the tsar at his military headquarters near the front, Tsarina Alexandra was responsible for overseeing the daily functions of Russia. Inside their palace, however, Alexandra remained reclusive and wrapped entirely around the health of her frail son. And, following Alexei’s nearly fatal hemorrhage, Alexandra relied increasingly on the mystical words of the “holy man” Rasputin.
Rasputin
Historians still debate who “Rasputin” really was. A self-trained “holy man” from Siberia, he was born Grigory Efimovich. People around him noted his uncanny, piercing eyes and hypnotic voice. But outside of these intriguing qualities, the man who would later be dubbed “Rasputin” (“dissolute” in Russian) by the Russian people, was a serial womanizer, famous for his modest and often filthy appearance. His other vice was Russian vodka, which he often enjoyed in the company of women. And yet he cast a powerful spell over the royal family, particularly Alexandra, for his ability to soothe Tsarevich Alexei during one of the boy’s hemorrhages. Moreover, Rasputin was exceptionally shrewd and knew how to behave around the tsar and tsarina. Undoubtedly power-hungry and comfortable in the tsar’s palace, he was cautious and humble, and maintained the illusion he was a devout servant of God. Undoubtedly this was essential to winning the support of the extremely religious tsar and tsarina.
The Romanov Royal Family with Rasputin. Row one (seated): Grand Duchess Marie, Grand Duchess Tatiana, Olga Alexandrovna (tsar’s younger sister). Row two: Grand Duchess Anastasia, Tsarevich Alexei, Rasputin, Tsarina Alexandra. Grand Duchess Olga stands in the background. Circa 1910-1911 inside the tsarina’s room at the Alexander Palace, Saint Petersburg.
For the Russian people, though, it appeared as if the royal family was tied closely to a man nearer to the Devil than God. And indeed, Rasputin became Alexandra’s right-hand man during the tsar’s absence in World War I. It was a recipe ripe for disaster.
Russian poster produced of Rasputin controlling the tsar and tsarina. Note that Nicholas and Alexandra are depicted as small and malleable as Rasputin looms over them.
For her entire tenure as tsarina of Russia, Alexandra had connected very little with the needs and wants of the Russian people. She remained consumed by concerns for her son, and enjoyed only the company of her husband, children, and a select number of acquaintances. Shy and unfamiliar with Russia, she was intensely disliked, particularly when World War I erupted and the people called her, “The German spy.”
Alexandra chose to ignore the popular comments about her but remained convinced she could little trust the advisors and ministers around her. In the tsar’s absence, she increasingly relied on the one outside voice she believed she could trust—Rasputin’s. His advice to her became increasingly self-serving and ultimately horrendous for the Russian war effort. His presence in the royal court revolted both peasant and noble alike. From outside the palace walls, everyone, even members of the tsar’s extended family, could see their time running out. For while the royal family lived in nearly incomprehensible luxury, the rest of Russia was starving, riddled with cold and disease, and lacking fuel.
In a desperate bid to save the autocracy and the Romanov family, two young nobles, Prince Dmitri and Felix Yusupov, decided to take matters into their own hands. Under a clever pretense, they invited Rasputin to supper—one that they fully intended should be the mad monk’s last. On December 30, 1916, they served their guest a luxurious dinner, complete with poisoned tea and cakes. But the poison seemed to affect Rasputin very little. In an attempt to finally kill Rasputin, Yusupov shot him several times outside the house. Amazingly though, Rasputin was still alive. The nobles then beat him with iron chains and threw his body into the frozen Neva River. Several days later, an autopsy confirmed that Rasputin had died from drowning.
Photo of Rasputin’s corpse after he was found in the Neva River, Jan. 1917.
The February Revolution
By 1917, it was evident to even the humblest peasant that the war was not going well for Russia. Hundreds of thousands of families across the country had lost family members in the war. Daily life became a brutal struggle, particularly for the people in the cities, as the war exacted higher and higher human and resource costs. Living conditions plummeted for all but the wealthiest members of society.
In February 1917, riots erupted across the capital city of Saint Petersburg over food and fuel shortages. Rioters demanded bread, grain, and coal. With the tsar at the front, responsibility for quelling the riots fell to the tsarina. But Alexandra remained huddled inside her palace with her children. Soldiers and guards sent to end the riots instead, joined on the side of the rioting peasants. This left the royal family with only a handful of guards ensuring their safety.
Their capital city in shambles, a group of political leaders from various parties formed a Provisional Government to govern the city, and soon Russia as a whole. Among other demands, they called for the unconditional abdication of the tsar—who had failed both the people and his army.
On March 15, 1917, three hundred years of Romanov rule ended inside a train car with the stroke of a pen when Tsar Nicholas II abdicated on behalf of himself and his ill son, Alexei. Nicholas then returned home, entirely defeated.
The Provisional Government, headed by Alexander Kerensky, set to work establishing order in Saint Petersburg and transferring power to the Russian parliament. Their goal was to establish a democratically elected government and constitution similar to England’s. It was not to be. For a massive, multi-ethnic, country governed by an autocratic government cannot be transformed into a democratic society overnight. Eager to win the respect and support of British and French Allies, the Provisional Government remained committed to fighting in the war. But the decision proved fatal for them. Frustrated by a war they little understood, the people were exhausted by the hardships that came with it. And they felt the new government did not understand their concerns.
Alexander Kerensky, head of the Russian Provisional Government. Kerensky (in foreground) was an intellectual man who had served in the Russian Duma (Parliament), and who was sought to restructure the Russian Government in the style of England—a democracy with a parliament which held the power, a constitution with rights, and a figurehead monarch. Before he could successfully enact these measures, however, Vladimir Lenin overthrew the Provisional Government and Kerensky was forced to flee for his life.
Then in April, a man emerged from the shadows of a train station who assured the Russian people their time was at hand; that man was Vladimir Lenin. He would not only lead the people in the largest communist revolution of the early twentieth century, but also negotiate an end to Russia’s part in World War I through the Treaty of Brest-Litvosk in 1918. From there, Lenin would go on to establish the largest communist union in the world: the Soviet Union.
Russian victories against the German and Austro-Hungarian Armies were limited on the Eastern Front. The fear of a “Russian steamroller” proved unfounded due to lack of transportation, deficient military resources, outdated military equipment, and general disorganization at home and at the front. Troops were captured by the hundreds of thousands. Thousands more were killed, wounded, or deserted as the Russian war effort collapsed.
And yet, it is perhaps because of Russia’s participation in the war that the Allies ultimately won World War I. Had the Germans only fought against the British and French on the Western Front, they would have had significantly larger resources to wage their Western campaign. It is quite possible, too, that they would have been supported by the Austro-Hungarian Army.
Regardless, the Germans defeated the Russians on the Eastern Front. And, under the new communist government installed by Vladimir Lenin and the Bolsheviks during the October Revolution of 1917, Russia signed the peace treaty of Brest-Litovsk in the spring of 1918. The peace treaty forced Russia’s unconditional surrender and ceded many of their lands over to Germany and Austria-Hungary.
Both sides exhausted, Russians returned from the war to rebuild their country from the inside out, while German units were sent to the Western Front to fight in the final months of World War I against the British, French, and newly arrived Americans.
Primary Source: "Kerensky Pleads for the Help of the Allies" (Nov. 3, 1917)
The New York Times (3 November 1917)
Kerensky Pleads for Help of the Allies
Insists Russia has No Thought of Quitting War, but is Worn Out Economically
PETROGRAD, Thursday, Nov. 1 (via London, Nov. 2)—In view of the reports reaching Petrograd that the impression was spreading abroad that Russia was virtually out of the war, Premier Kerensky discussed the present condition of the country frankly today with the Associated Press. He said that Russia was worn out by long strain, but that it was ridiculous to say Russia was out of the war.
The Premier referred to the years in which Russia had fought her campaigns alone, with no such assistance as has been extended to France by Great Britain and now, by America. He said he felt that help was needed urgently, and that Russia asked it as her right. The Premier urged that the United States give aid, in the form of money and supplies, and appealed to the world not to lose faith in the Russian revolution.
Russia, M. Kerensky added, was taking an enormous part in the struggle, and those who said she was out of it must have short memories.
Says Russia Saved Allies
“Russia has fought consistently since the beginning,” he said. “She saved France and England from disaster early in the war. She is worn out from the strain, and claims as her right that the Allies now shoulder the burden.” The correspondent called attention to widely contradictory reports on Russian conditions, and asked the Premier for a frank statement of the facts.
“It has been said by travelers returning from England and from elsewhere to America, the opinion among the people, not officially but generally, is that Russia is virtually out of the war,” was explained.
“Is Russia out of the war?” Premier Kerensky repeated the words and laughed. “That,” he answered, “is a ridiculous question. Russia is taking an enormous part in the war. One only has to remember history. Russia began the war for the Allies. While she was already fighting, England was only preparing, and America was only observing. Russia at the beginning bore the whole brunt of the fighting, thereby saving Great Britain and France. People who say she is out of the war have short memories. We have fought since the beginning, and have the right to claim that the Allies now take the heaviest part of the burden on their shoulders.”
Asks, “Where is British Fleet?”
“At present, Russian public opinion is greatly agitated by the question, ‘Where is the British fleet now that the German fleet is out in the Baltic?’
“Russia,” the Premier repeated, “is worn out. She has been fighting one and one-half years longer than England.”
“Could an American army be of use if sent to Russia?” was asked.
“It would be impossible to send one,” said Kerensky. “It is a question of transportation. The difficulties are too great.”
“If America cannot send troops, what would be the most useful way for her to help Russia?” was the next question.
“Have her send boots, leather, iron, and,” the Premier added emphatically, “money.”
Premier Kerensky here drew attention to the fact that Russia has fought her battles alone.
“Russia has fought alone—is fighting alone,” he said. “France has had England to help her from the start and now America has come in.”
The Premier was asked regarding the morale of the Russian people and army. He answered:
“The masses are worn out economically. The disorganized state of life in general has had a psychological effect on the people. They doubt the possibility of the attainment of their hopes.”
Pleads for Faith in Revolution
“What is the lesson to the democracies of the world of the Russian revolution?”
“This,” Premier Kerensky replied, “is not for them to find out. They must not lose faith in the Russian revolution because it is not a political revolution, but an economic one, and a revolution of facts. The Russian revolution is only seven months old. No one has the right to feel disillusioned about it. It will take years to develop.”
“In France, which is only as large as three Russian departments (States), it took five years for their revolution to develop fully.”
Asked what he expected from the Constituent Assembly, the Premier said:
“The Constituent Assembly begins a new chapter in the history of the revolution. Its voice will certainly be the most important factor in the future of Russia.”
“What future for Russia do you picture after the war?”
“No one can draw any real picture of the future,” Kerensky said. “Naturally a man who really loves his country will hope for all good things, but that is only his viewpoint, which may or may not be accepted by others.”
Premier Kerensky, pale and earnest, sat at the end of a carved table in the former private office of the Emperor in the Winter Palace and emphasized the points of his statement by tapping the table with his fingers. He wore a brown, undecorated uniform buttoned closely. The Premier appeared to be fatigued from his many trips to the front and his constant audiences.
**Note from the textbook author (2022): This article was published in the New York Times on November 3, 1917. Four days after this article’s publication (Nov. 7, 1917), Vladimir Lenin and the Bolsheviks would seize power in Russia with the arrival of their “October Revolution.” The name, "October Revolution" is reflective of the fact that Russia still used the Julian calendar at the time, which was roughly three weeks behind the Gregorian calendar used by the United States and most of Europe.**
Attributions
Images courtesy of Wikimedia Commons
Willmott, H.P. World War I. D.K. Ltd., New York: 2009. 46-48; 114-119; 146-50; 226-7.
The New York Times. "Kerensky Pleas for the Help of the Allies." November 3, 1917. Hosted by University of Louisiana at Monroe.